Similar questions are being asked by theorists who hitherto have steered clear of religious discourse. Moved by the advent of increasing religiously-based conflict, as well as shifts in religious expression to subjective and self-styled spirituality on one hand, and collective fundamentalisms on the other, the sharp observers of changing societies have turned their attention to religion. Ulrich Beck and Jurgen Habermas are just two of the theorists who I love to learn from.
in his thought-provoking paper, Religion in the Public Sphere, Habermas (2005) asks: 'How does the constitutional separation of state and church influence the role which religious traditions, communities and organizations are allowed to play in the political public sphere and in the state in general, but above all in the political opinion and will formation of citizens themselves?'
In a secular country like Australia, with freedom of religion enshrined in the nation's legal framework, it is relevant then to consider the role of the media in affecting or even influencing political opinions or social attitudes, especially those held about people considered 'other'.
Recent research conducted by Griffith University's Mohammad Abdalla and Halim Rane titled 'The impact of media representations on the understanding of Islam and attitudes towards Muslims in Queensland', has shown how important the media is in affecting, in some way, people's attitudes and values about another person's religion and ethnicity.
Now the media is known for its narrowly-framed reporting of Islam and Muslims (Said 1997), but alongside Edward Said's insightful scrutiny of the media's (negative) coverage of Islam, and Jack Shaheen's breathtaking critique of the place of Arabs in Hollywood since B&W movies, Reel Bad Arabs (2001), there also appears to be a limited level of knowledge and lack of religious literacy of Islam and Muslims among people living in S.E. Queensland (SEQ).
The study by Abdulla and Rane found that of the 500 people they interviewed in SEQ, 19% had no knowledge of Islam; 80% were unfamiliar with the Five Pillars of Islam; 30% had never met a Muslim while 37% rarely, and 33% occasionally, interact with Muslims. Despite this limited knowledge of Muslims and Islam, 78% of those interviewed were 'comfortable' with Muslims being part of Australian society', and 67% did not regard Muslims as a threat to Australia (although 23% did).
More worrying in this context was the finding that 79% of people interviewed rely on the media for their information including knowledge of Islam and Muslims, although the media has been known to stereotype and marginalise Muslims. But in saying that, 63% regard the media's reporting and representation of Islam and Muslims as 'negative (unfair, biased, inaccurate, stereotypical, misrepresentative, sensationalist)'.
The report concludes that overall, people in SE Queensland are mainly supportive of Muslims being part of Australian society... but only 14% agreed that 'accepting Muslims was in-keeping with the free, democratic, and multicultural nature of Australian society.' So what does it mean if people are comfortable with Muslims being part of Australia's community but are less interested or less willing to be accepting of this group?
At a time when there is a real need for building positive communication and creating understanding with Muslims and others, a lack of religious literacy can be a hindrance to social cohesion. In light of this, perhaps one could turn to expressions of civic duty and/or civil religion as a way of encouraging a shift in attitude towards Islam. Habermas (2005) reflects on the relationship between civic duty and religious conviction and, with justice in mind, he refers to the work of Robert Audi and Nicholas Wolterstorff (1997:105) who, in their book Religion in the Public Sphere: The Place of Political Conviction in Political Debate, state:
'It belongs to the religious convictions of a good many religious people in our society that they ought to base their decisions concerning fundamental issues of justice on their religious convictions. They do not view it as an option whether or not to do it.'
One hopes that in a secular and multifaithed country as Australia, that issues of justice and communal responsibility would not only arise from those motivated by religious convictions but also from convictions arising from one's civic duty and human acceptance towards people referred to as other.
Questions
- How could a sense of civic duty or community responsibility generated in relation to Muslims and Islam so people are more accepting of the religion and the people, given that 40% of Muslims in Australia are born here.
- Can religion education about Islam, or programs like Little Mosque on the Prairie, help reduce the lack of knowledge and understanding of Islam?
- How should journalists and media producers be 'taught' about the specific dimensions of Islam - so that their reporting can be better contextualised and informed?
References
Abdalla M. and H. Rane. The Impact of media representations on the understanding of Islam and attitudes toward Muslims in Queensland. Griffith University.
http://www.griffith.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/58315/Rane.pdf Audi R. and N. Wolterstorff. 1997. Religion in the Public Sphere. The Place of Political Conviction in Political Debate. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
Habermas J. 2005. Religion in the public sphere. Lecture presented at the University of San Diego, March 4, http://www.sandiego.edu/pdf/pdf_library/habermaslecture031105_c939cceb2ab087bdfc6df291ec0fc3fa.pdf
Said E. 1997 (1981) Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World. London: Vintage Books.
Shaheen J. 2001. Reel Bad Arabs: How Hollywood Vilifies a People. Olive Branch Press.
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